Home Features Independents in the General Election: Independent of What?

Independents in the General Election: Independent of What?

by Darryl Horan

With the general election campaign underway, and one poll recording a rise in popularity for independent candidates, Darryl Horan explores the political basis of this diverse grouping and whether they really provide a more accountable alternative.

Independents are often seen – by some sections of the left and the right – as a political plus. They are seen to be more likely to act in the best interests of their constituents, with the implication that political parties are intrinsically corrupting and work to distort the demands of ordinary people. 

There is some truth to the latter point, but it depends on which party. The record of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael or their Labour and Green partners amply shows how what they give you is a long way from what they sell you before an election. But broken promises alone do not explain why people’s expectations are ignored by our political class.

Equally, independents do not come together as one type of politician. They are very different. Thomas Pringle is an honest fighter for his community whereas someone like Michael Lowry was so mired in corruption that even Fine Gael would not take him. 

In fact, many of the independents that pop up today are from the political gene pool of our conservative establishment who decided to go ‘independent’ when they realised they were more likely to be elected without the party brand. Ironically, a bloc of 10-15 of these ‘independents’ guarantee that that the Fianna Fáil-Fine Gael led government almost never lose a vote.

Far Right

The most worrying development we have seen recently is the emergence of independents as a cover for far right and fascist ideas. The local elections showed that in Ireland like elsewhere the far-right racists and fascists have gained small pockets of support. In those elections, they ran over one hundred candidates and five got elected.  Steenson from the North Inner City, Pepper in Ballymun Tom McDonnell in Co Kildare, all ran as Independents. They have built a platform around violent racism, attacking immigrants and misogyny.  One has publicly claimed that Irish women need to ‘breed more’ to build the white nation. In the upcoming general election the National Alliance (including formerly Ireland First and the National Party) are running 33 candidates, Independent Ireland 28, and Irish Freedom party 19. For the upcoming general election, a recent poll has put Independents – which includes Independent Ireland – on 20%. These ‘Independents’ promote such an overt racism that, probably, no mainstream party would have them. Their only hope of election is to piggyback off the anger of ordinary people to redirect it against the most vulnerable in society. In the process they create a climate of fear and violence.

Left Independents

For left wing independents, however, being independent carries other limitations and dangers that can lead good working-class fighters down problematic paths.

Councils and parliaments are the political arena of the ruling class, suited to their aims and overall interests. Without the accountability and group strength of a party, it is easy for individual independents to fall into the trap of cooperating and being co-opted by the establishment. Such was the path of Finian McGrath and John Halligan. Each used their ‘independence’ to prop up governments of either Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael. 

Others have used their independence to shield themselves from taking difficult stances and dodge questions which are perceived as not popular. Despite broadly being of the left, for example, Maureen O’Sullivan abstained from voting to have a referendum to repeal the 8th.

Similarly, it is easy for even left ‘independents’ to seek to avoid taking head on the rise of racist ideas and the far right, for fear it could hurt their electoral chances. The problem arises from a lack of accountability. A left party that has politically agreed collectively the need to fight racism requires all its representatives and members to take a stance against racism regardless of how this might affect their electoral prospects. Left independents, however, are only accountable to themselves. 

The rise of the far right and the normalisation of anti-immigrant racism means that there can be no softening on these issues for fear of upsetting your supporters. Many of the left independents are strong fighters on community issues, for public housing and public services. But this alone will not counteract the poison of racism. Mobilisations against racist attacks, big national marches against racism, defending refugees and immigrants, make up the vital political component of ensuring that racism does not become normalised. This includes publicly being against greater immigration controls and more deportations – a position that left-wing independents – and other mainstream left parties – tend to avoid taking for fear of being unpopular.

Class Politics

Socialists demand a different kind of independence: one of class independence for which the political party is a tool to promote the interests of workers. When Fine Gael, along with the Labour party-imposed austerity, it was the effort of our ruling classes to save their own skins in terms of the banks and to place the cost of the banking crisis on ordinary people. That was class war. Tragically, at that time unions like SIPTU refused to back the fight against the water charges because their leadership were dominated by a political party whose goal is not to challenge capitalism but accommodate to it. Even trade unions, given their links to the Labour Party, are not really independent of the political establishment. This is another reason why  workers need their own political vehicle to both combat the ruling class and to operate entirely independent of its influence.

Some may claim that this all sounds very old hat, very last century. The reality, scarcely disguised after decades of neoliberalism, is that the capitalist class very consciously wages its own class war in the interests of capital and profit. As leading US businessman Warren Buffet said in 2006,

“There’s class warfare, all right, but it’s my class, the rich class, that’s making war, and we’re winning.”

The growing class division across the world is there for everyone to see. Oxfam has described it as the “beginnings of a decade of division.” The world’s five richest men have more than doubled their fortunes while nearly five billion people have been made poorer.”   In Ireland too, the gap of between rich and poor has widened substantially directly as a result of government taxation and welfare measures;  those on incomes below the standard rate income tax threshold are worse off than in 2020. For all the talk of individualism, entrepreneurial spirit and self-motivation, so beloved of our neoliberal government, class war is very much alive and kicking and it calls for a class response. 

Party of fighters

Our rulers are highly organised. They leak stories to the media; they strategise; they will use the full force of the state to crush us if necessary. This power can never be defeated by a few individuals.  We need to be highly organised to develop counter strategies that can overthrow them. 

Simply put, that is the need for a collective and socialist party formation. Individual tribunes won’t cut it. This party can’t just mirror the establishment ones but must be rooted in the struggles of ordinary people and champion people power as the alternative. 

It is often claimed that parties are authoritarian, and members are forced to toe the party line. Some parties are undoubtedly top down in their structures – one has only to think of the role of the IRA Army Council inside Sinn Féin in the past, or outside Ireland, in Stalinist Communist Parties where dissent was purged. 

Those who believe that all parties must by their nature be authoritarian are ultimately arguing against the very possibility of democratic collective action. And therefore, implicitly, the impossibility for socialism itself.  Radical and revolutionary parties can ensure full democracy not just formally, but by ensuring that every member has the space to express their opinion. Crucially, full democracy must include accountability for decisions collectively arrived at. Where members seek changes to policy or tactics, these must be put to national conferences and democratically decided by the whole membership. Only then can a fully participatory party democracy be attained. 

Sheep in Wolves Clothing

In the recent local and European elections, People Before Profit put forward the slogan ‘sheep in wolves clothing’ in response to the rise in support for independents. The point was to raise the fact that many of these ‘independents’ were in name only. In Councils up and down the country they along with Labour put Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael back into power. In the European elections, both ‘independents’ Michael MacNamara and Ciaran Mullooly joined Fianna Fáil grouping in the EU Parliament. 

In Ireland, we need class independence that puts fighting for working people first and foremost. We need clear socialist politics which remain principled – on war and imperialism, on gender oppression and anti-racism, on unity of the working class – and which we do not waive for political expediency. 

Most importantly these core political principles are discussed and developed amongst all the party members.  One major difference with the Labour Party or Sinn Féin tradition, is that within People Before Profit political discussion and education are of paramount importance. It is a party of activists, and every member learns to carry and develop the politics, in campaigns, in social movements, in struggles for gender rights, and for Palestine.

Bringing the radical socialist left together as one is crucial in this election. People before Profit and its 41 candidates nationally has the potential to carry greater political weight than individual independents, for the reasons I have given here. This kind of radical socialist party is crucial if we are to stand a chance of transforming the society for the benefit of workers and all those who are oppressed in these difficult political times.

2 comments

Maurice November 17, 2024 - 5:45 pm

Very good article Darryl. I especially liked the stress on class war waged by the rich.

Reply
Socialist November 22, 2024 - 6:47 am

RECENT ELECTIONS stimulated much discussion about the centre-right, far-right, centre-left, Sinn Féin and so on, but very little about the small but sometimes significant far-left movement, whose main personality for some years now has been former MEP Clare Daly. A favourite trope of right-wing critics is that the left is irredeemably riven and prone to splits and the recent EU election in Dublin confirmed this prejudice. Another socialist personality, People Before Profit TD Bríd Smith, who last July announced her intention to retire from the Dáil, nevertheless entered the EU Dublin contest and, despite not being in the final hunt for a seat, was the main reason that Daly lost hers. The Socialist Workers’ Party, which controls PBP, felt the need to rival Daly in the EU Dublin election as she had emerged as the principal Irish voice of the far left in foreign conflicts such as Ukraine and Gaza. Such party-political sectarianism is just one reason why the far left now faces electoral devastation.

Proving that disingenuous nonsense is not the sole prerogative of establishment politicians and spin doctors, Bríd Smith and PBP stated that two left seats – apart from Sinn Féin – were up for grabs in the four-seat Dublin EU constituency. It is hard to imagine that the PBP comrades and Smith did not have difficulty themselves believing this, especially in the face of incredulity from other left groups and individuals, who were shocked at such blatant sabotage of Daly’s re-election prospects.

The first count in the Dublin EU contest saw Daly on 26,855 votes to Smith’s 21,577, putting Daly at a disadvantage straight away in later counts. The last seat was a four-way fight between Daly, new-right candidate Niall Boylan, the Green Party’s Ciarán Cuffe and the eventual winner, Labour’s Aodhán Ó Ríordáin. But as the 17th count showed, Smith’s transfer to Daly of 6,464 – out of her then total of 39,334 (one sixth) – was derisory evidence of left unity or the prospect of two far-left seats.

Ó Ríordáin is heartily disliked by those socialists who recall his role in coalition with Fine Gael but it could have been even worse, with Boylan of the new-right coming close enough to taking the seat – a result that would have caused apoplexy at the PBP/Smith intervention.

Within 24 hours of Daly’s defeat, Bríd Smith told radio and television audiences that she was making an appeal for left unity with a cynicism that would make any FG or Fianna Fáil politician blush.

Daly is a serious loss not just to the left but to the wider progressive movement in Ireland. Along with partner Mick Wallace, she had become the most articulate and persuasive voice for Irish neutrality; for traditional Irish foreign policy of non-alignment and self-determination for nations dominated by the West; and a rallying cry against the genocide of Palestinians in Gaza. This was what made her a target for both right-wing opponents and jealous far-left rivals in the SWP/PBP.

Daly’s defeat was described by many as down to a pincer movement by the Irish Times and Smith’s PBP. The IT was not the only media outlet that damned Daly and Wallace and the Irish edition of the Sunday Times – Whitehall’s favourite Irish newspaper – also did its best as did others. The IT, however, led the charge with what it described as a 10-month investigation into the duo back in 2022 (see The Phoenix 6/5/22). These and other media encouraged the belief that the pair had supported the Russian invasion of Ukraine, despite their consistent condemnation of the invasion and repeated votes to the same effect in the EU Parliament.

Their real offence was that they also condemned Nato and some EU countries for engineering a situation that provoked the Russian invasion.

‘THAT’S POLITICS’

Bríd Smith came under fire for her central role in the Daly affair but she batted away such criticism saying that, if she unseated Daly, sure “that’s life and that’s politics”.

In a period when the new right is beginning to grow and the centre-right FF/FG believe they can return to power at the general election, this socialist electoral fiasco is hard to understand unless one looks at the past and the future of the parties involved.

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