‘I was a radical, a revolutionist. I am still a revolutionist. I was proud to make the road and help change laws and what-not. I was very proud of doing that, and proud of what I’m still doing, no matter what it takes.’ – Sylvia Rivera
Sometimes you have to look backwards to go forward. Socialists understand that history is a vital tool in our fight for a better world. That is not to say that we simply treat revolutionaries and moments of the past as relics, to be held up and admired. Nor do we want to copy what has been done in the past. Instead, history shows us that often our struggles aren’t all that new. Not only against the grain of rising global transphobia and homophobia, but in a period where the relationship between strategy, identity and class is at the core of much debate, knowing your history is crucial. History shows that retreating into crude politics which counterpose class and ‘social’ issues, such as race or gender, has never succeeded in building socialist politics. Instead, this approach reasserts the same oppressive ideas that socialists have fought against for centuries.
The fight against racism, the fight against transphobia, and the fight against homophobia cannot be sidelined in our fight for a better world. The working class and socialist struggle has always taken these fights to its core. As Lenin wrote in ‘What is to be Done’ at the turn of the twentieth century:
Stonewall and STAR
Many will be familiar with the activists, Sylvia Rivera and Marsha P Johnson, for their involvement in the Stonewall Uprising, and their subsequent organisation STAR (Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries), a short-lived collective which aimed to house, support and empower gender non-conforming youth. Other activists involved in its formation were Bambi L’Amour, Bubbles Rose Lee, and Bebe Scarpinato.
Rivera, a Puerto Rican, and Johnson, an African American, both worked the streets throughout their lives, facing not only transphobia but also racist discrimination. Both have been credited with building the politics of trans liberation as they exist today, as well as tirelessly pushing the broader movement for gay rights in a more radical direction. Their organising, speeches, and writings can inform not only the fight against transphobia but also reveal the interconnectedness of issues in our world today. Crucially, they tell us that we don’t have to let the establishment or the far-right set the limits on our politics or our freedom.
In 1998, Sylvia Rivera was interviewed by author of ‘Stone Butch Blues’, Leslie Feinberg, reflecting on her part in the Stonewall uprising of 1969. In this piece, Rivera recounted that it was the most obviously gender-nonconforming people who suffered the worst of police brutality in the late 60s. This was a time of contradiction. On the one hand, society was marked by greater openness, freedom, and demands for change. On the other hand, the US government and state police were introducing more and more punitive laws against the gay community. This period also saw the return of archaic ‘anti-cross-dressing’ laws, where the police were entitled to arrest individuals found wearing the clothes of the ‘wrong’ gender, reminiscent of the ‘drag bans’ we have seen today.
However, it was the broad swathe of gender-nonconforming people who were often the glue between the different, entwined social movements of that period: the civil rights movement, the fight for women’s liberation, the anti-Vietnam War movement, and more. The STAR manifesto explicitly connected these issues, with its first demand being bodily autonomy for all and its last a call for a radical people’s government. It was the awareness of the interconnectedness of these issues which brought radicalism to the forefront. As Rivera remarked:
‘Bitch on Wheels’
There was serious debate across these movements, but especially in the gay liberation movement, about what the goal was to be. For many, such as the Mattachine Society or the Daughters of Bilitis, the goal was to ‘normalise’ gay people into broader society, and to assimilate into ‘respectable society’. Other groups which emerged in the wake of Stonewall, such as the Gay Activists Alliance (GAA – not that one), the Gay Liberation Front (GLF), and Radicalesbians all felt short-changed by this politically mainstream objective. However, their attitudes towards their trans comrades were mixed, despite the fact that trans people had so prominently spurred the fight for gay liberation into a more radical, transformative direction. There were exceptions to this, showing that solidarity was what spurred on the most effective actions. The Weinstein Hall Occupation in 1970, held to protest the cancellation of a GAA dance, has been remembered as a moment where trans and lesbian activists fought together against police repression.
For many years, Rivera and Johnson chose to continue to work with these groups, as it gave them access to broader audiences. In her final essay, ‘Queens in Exile’, published posthumously, Rivera reflected on this choice:
Though willing to work in broad fronts, Sylvia Rivera, a self-described ‘bitch on wheels’, was uncompromising about her principles. In the face of jeers and even assault, both Johnson and Rivera continued to fight, not only to help show the gay community that it was the same state brutalising and rejecting both the gay and trans communities, but also that the movement should ask for more than just acceptance from that same state.
This persistence was shown at the infamous 1973 Christopher Street Liberation Day rally. At this event, Rivera had to fight, quite literally, to take her allotted time to speak to the assembled crowd. The transphobic ‘activist’ Jean O’Leary had previously taken to the stage condemning the presence of people like Rivera in the movement. Against this backdrop, Rivera’s speech offered an impassioned critique not only of those who sought to marginalise the gender non-conforming people for the sake of ‘respectability’, but of the system that had kept all of the movement down.
Embracing the ‘controversial’
Today, more than ever, we have to take this message to heart. Firstly, transphobia does nothing to advance any feminist cause; rather, it sets it back generations. As well, we have seen how ‘corporate pride’ has dispensed with the rainbow logos and slogans, bowing to the new Trumpist mood and exposing how superficial their commitment to LGBTQI rights was in the first place. Moreover, we must understand that the fight for trans liberation is not something socialists can afford to leave behind or defer.
Throwing the people most marginalised under the bus will not advance our politics or win more people to the movement. It is the task of socialists to relate to the struggles people face in their lives, and also to advance the politics of these struggles. When we fight for housing maintenance, we aren’t only talking about a mouldy window, but a system which puts profit ahead of human dignity. Similarly, avoiding the ‘controversial’ in our campaigns takes away their potential for achieving radical change before they have even begun.
Every single advance for gay rights has been an advance for us all, but they have all been won through hard, collective struggle. The legacies of people like Johnson and Rivera show that we should fight for the future we actually want, not what the people in power tell us is possible. We do not have to defer the fight for trans liberation, women’s liberation, or the fight against racism because a few with a narrow conception of what the working-class is have said so. As the STAR statement on the NYU occupation of 1971 argued:
Solidarity
What brought a mass character to the movements of the 1960s was a keen sense of solidarity. Solidarity was at the heart of the organising which Johnson and Rivera continued in the decades following Stonewall. Their project, STAR, initially sought to provide material support, ranging from housing to healthcare, to trans and gender non-conforming people. Where the state failed utterly, they stepped in to organise and provide for their community. In the face of increased bans on gender-affirming healthcare and a shocking rise in violence against trans people, groups like Small Trans Library and Transgress the NGS, are continuing to fight in this legacy. Rivera described the work of STAR as a fight for survival.
Today, we can fight for more than that. But we can only see working-class movements transform from atomised, separate issues into real forces for change if we take solidarity to heart. It is the same state forcing people to live in terrible conditions in Ballymun, which is also driving up the cost of rent for people across the city. It is the same state that oversaw the murder of Terence Wheelock by Gardaí, that also endorsed the murder of George Nkencho fifteen years later. It is the same global capitalist system that is forcing refugees and asylum seekers to flee war, which is also undermining our country’s neutrality. Our world will not change if we cannot envision a better one. Working-class people can fight for their own future. That is what the struggles of trans people over the decades have shown us.
As Sylvia Rivera sadly concluded in her final essay, “…after all these years, the trans community is still at the back of the bus”. With swathes of abhorrent anti-trans legislation being passed globally, and multi-millionaire grifters like JK Rowling getting richer off the back of it, socialists have to kick back against this. Queer people have been at the heart of revolutionary politics as long as they have existed. People like Roger Casement, Kathleen Lynn, and Margaret Skinnider all fought for Irish freedom, and are touchstones of our ongoing fight against imperialism today. When we fight against oppression, wherever we see it, we are fighting in their tradition, and the tradition of millions more whose names we will never know. Socialists understand that history isn’t simply something to be relegated to the past, but a guide to action. We get to decide what that action is, and what our future should be. I’ll conclude with the words of Marsha P Johnson on this: